Resignation fiasco and all-party charade

When the ruling party is hell bent to enforce its will and hang on to power, despite losing much of the popularity and acceptability, such improper and peculiar incidents occur. The government tries to use brute majority and brutal force to impose its schemes but that does not make it any more acceptable, logical or effective, writes Omar Khasru

THE government recently arranged spectacular fireworks accompanied by a laser light show that lit up the sky over Hatirjheel in Dhaka to celebrate reaching the plateau and milestone of 10,000-megawatt electricity generation capacity. According to the National Committee to Protect Oil, Gas, Mineral Resources, Power and Ports, the actual production and distribution of electricity at that specific time was around 5,700 megawatts.
So, there was a yawning gap of some 4,300 megawatts between the production capacity claim and the actual distribution reality. That, in nutshell, describes the typical difference between actual performance and the habitually exaggerated claims of the increasingly exasperating and grossly underperforming regime.
Thank God, the light show was a fleeting one-night display and the regime has not built on that lofty assertion in more grandiose manner, except to declare that it will soon increase the capability to 11,000 megawatts. In that case, there should be uninterrupted bright lights all around. But we know that is unlikely to happen any time soon.
One reason the government drifted to other pressing matters was that it has other vital fish to fry. There was the drama of resignation of the council of ministers, announced and publicised sanctimoniously, solemnly and ceremoniously. The grand farewell was shown on electronic media and covered by the press in details. Things seemed straightforward and uncomplicated. Even the cabinet secretary declared that it was the last cabinet meeting.
This was rapidly followed by a diversity of description, explanation, opinion and equivocation by several ministers and others. Some called it just a mere desire to resign but not actual resignation, the law minister said it was not done according to the constitution and so it did not count. Others disagreed and gave different set of elucidation. The prime minister chimed in and claimed that the resignations would not be complete unless the president accepted those.
Some ministers vehemently blamed the opposition, news media, civil society and constitutional experts to create the misunderstanding deliberately, muddle the issue and even commit an act of treason. The communication minister on Friday the 15th assured all, the ignorant, naive and confused citizens that the entire sordid matter would be settled and the perplexity and uncertainty removed within a week.
Thank God for the declaration by the minister to explain the matter since we, the commoners, know not what we should feel, think or comprehend. We need direction, clarification and enlightenment from the top!
Most constitutional experts of all shades and slants in the meantime affirmed that the resignation of the ministers was binding, irreversible and complete and right now there is no minister except the prime minister. They quoted from the constitution, read out the relevant parts and used their knowhow and expertise.
Dr Asif Nazrul, a Dhaka University law professor, finally came out with the right realisation, rationalisation and validation. He said it is immaterial what the constitution says and how the experts interpret it. It is what the ruling party says and how it construes, describes and explains the constitution that would take priority and precedence and will surpass all the expert opinions.
That is exactly what happened. A meeting of the ministers, who apparently had completed their term, no longer in active service and had departed, has been called on Sunday, November 17. If the near unanimous professional opinion was taken into cognisance and if the cabinet secretary had uttered the real truth, it would be a lonely one-person meeting, the same person presiding and attending the event. That would be the loquacious prime minister all by herself.
There are some advantages. It would be a short meeting with no discussion or dispute. The agenda will be covered in a jiffy and decisions made fast and furious. Some advisers may be present to add decorum. If all this sounds a bit bizarre and outlandish, it is no stranger or abnormal than some recent government actions.
A few higher court lawyers have sent notices and have filed a lawsuit to prevent allegedly illegal ministers from carrying on any official task since they have already resigned. A timely verdict of the court would be very interesting.
For the last few weeks, the prime minister and other ministers have been crisscrossing the country, talking, delivering what can only be construed as election pledges and speeches, inaugurating different projects and laying foundation stones to a new set of new undertakings. Their election campaign with official protocol, helicopter, vehicles and security seem in full swing.
The Election Commission has no objection to this unilateral and unfair electioneering by the sole party at government expense. The commission is yet to wake up from the Rip Van Winkle deep slumber to enforce any rules.
It is seemingly waiting for instructions from the ruling coterie to announce the election schedule and then it said it would enforce the rules of fairness and level playing field. It obviously is a firm believer in the dictum: better late than never.
According to Shujan — Shushanar Janniya Nagorik (Citizens’ initiative for good governance) — and other capable observers and most impartial and enlightened onlookers, the feckless, hopeless and gutless bunch, known as the election commissioners, has performed one assignment with precision, punctuality and competence.
They have followed all the advice and dictates of the ruling party, however unusual, odd and unwise those might be, meticulously and most efficiently. This commission parallels the Aziz commission of 2006 in complete loyalty and unswerving allegiance to the ruling party.
Now the next major undertaking of the government is to form an all-party interim government to supervise the upcoming election. The ‘all-party’ part of it right now does not look too promising.
The main opposition party has strongly and irrevocably declined to be any part of it. Jamaat will not be a part because the ruling party does not want any connection with the anti liberation group.
Suranjit Sengupta of ‘black cat’ infamy and with the unique distinction of resigning ministerial position twice but still remaining a functioning minister, according to his party’s analysis, invited the BNP to join the all-party government on Friday, November 15. The arrest and remand of top opposition party leaders, among other oppressive acts, I am quite certain, would put a damper on BNP enthusiasm.
If General Ershad keeps his latest promise, it will for all practical purpose pretty much be a one-party show in the name of all party participation. Three out of the four top parties will be missing.
If Ershad does another flip flop, not at all unlikely and within the realm of real possibility, even then the all party interim government will be made up of members of the current coalition only. Diversity, variety and multiplicity will be sorely missing.
If Ershad holds on to his pledge and refuses to be a part of it, then it will be a more interesting situation. It will be a single-party affair mainly because even though a couple of one-man parties, largely devoid of public support, such as the Workers’ Party and Inu’s JSD, may be part of the government, these two fringe parties, if I am not mistaken, contested in the 2008 election with the boat symbol, the Awami League election emblem. So, technically, they belong to the same party in parliament.
Unless we have the re-emergence of BAKSAL with the amalgamation of all political parties and no other party in existence, we will have pretty close to a one-party interim government trying to pretend as an all-party entity. Inu and Menon have the same stripe and colour and will not add much to diversity, technically speaking.
When the ruling party is hell bent to enforce its will and hang on to power, despite losing much of the popularity and acceptability, such improper and peculiar incidents occur. The government tries to use brute majority and brutal force to impose its schemes but that does not make it any more acceptable, logical or effective.
So the government’s attempt to form an all-party interim government with the same set of old partners and known personnel will prove to be abortive and nothing more than a wacky charade, very similar to the resignation fiasco.

Omar Khasru is a former university administrator who writes on contemporary political and social issues.